Dharma · AI Companion

施食

āhāra-dāna

密续仪轨中向诸尊、护法及世间有情奉施饮食之修法。AI-generated

Type PracticeDifficulty IntroductoryTruth-level span outside the four-fold two-truths frameworkInitial AI estimate · evolves with use

A Contemporary ReadingAI-generated

What This Concept Is About

施食 (āhāra-dāna, "offering of food") is, in the Tibetan Buddhist tantric tradition, a technical term with a precise referent: it denotes specifically the practice of presenting food and drink to the deities, dharma protectors, and worldly beings within the tantric maṇḍala ritual, rather than "giving food as charity" in the general Buddhist sense. The classical treatise 《密宗道次第廣論》 (sNgags rim chen mo, *The Great Exposition of the Stages of the Path of Mantra*) expresses this same concept through terms such as "施食" (offering food), "供食" (presenting food), "供施食" (offering and presenting food), and "外施諸食" (outwardly presenting various foods) — which in itself shows that it has multiple functional dimensions within the ritual.

To understand 施食 (āhāra-dāna), three levels must be grasped:

Level one: it is part of a ritual, not an isolated act. Food offering is not a "good deed" that can be extracted and performed anywhere at any time; it is one link in the entire ritual structure of the maṇḍala (壇城, maṇḍala) practice. The classical entry states explicitly:

"施食为曼陀罗供养的一部分,先于曼陀罗内作供养,后于室外施食,二者构成完整的奉施体系。" *"The food offering is part of the maṇḍala offering: offerings are first made within the maṇḍala, then food is offered outside — the two together constitute the complete system of presentation."*

This means food offering has a temporal juncture, a spatial arrangement, and a before-and-after sequence — it is like a single scene in a drama, with its own time of entry and its own position on the stage.

Level two: the recipients are not the vague category "sentient beings" but have a clear hierarchy and classification. The recipients include: - The objects of offering before constructing the maṇḍala: the local devas, nāgas, yakṣas (夜叉), rākṣasas (羅刹), and other "earth-lord" beings. Before the maṇḍala is constructed, food must first be offered to them, with a threefold request for the use of the land; thereafter the earth deities are propitiated and asked to permit the construction. This is the ritual logic of "asking the way before breaking ground." - The objects at the time of color distribution: the offering made before or during the procedure of distributing colors (drawing lines, laying out colors) on the maṇḍala ground is judged to be "a preparatory act prior to the color distribution, rather than the color distribution itself." - The objects of the external offering of various foods: outside the maṇḍala, food and drink are presented by direction to the directional guardians (護方神, dikpāla), the protectors of the field (護刹者, kṣetrapāla), Indra (帝釋), and so forth. Different commentators differ on the recipients and locations: the 《鬘論》 (the *Garland Treatise*) lineage holds that both worldly and supramundane devas receive the offering outside; Saraha (薩惹哈), Dīpaṃkarabhadra (然燈賢), and others say only that food is offered outside to the protectors of the field and the directional guardians; the Tibetan masters hold that the maṇḍala deities and dharma-protector deities are first propitiated inside, after which one goes outside to offer worldly deity food. - The deeper-level objects: the nāgas (龍, nāga) — milk and similar substances are offered specifically to them, and there is additionally an arrangement of eight earthen platforms.

Level three: food offering has a strict spatiotemporal structure and a ritual gradation.

*Spatial arrangement*: outside the maṇḍala, the ten great vidyārājas (明王, vidyārāja, "wisdom kings") and the directional guardians are installed in the ten directions, and food is offered before the earthen mounds; fifteen earthen mounds or small altars are further set up, and food is offered to the fifteen directional guardians in the eight directions; further outward, eight earthen platforms, cow-dung-coated altars, or earthenware vessels are arranged, filled with milk and so forth and offered to the nāgas, with food, ghee, honey, pure water, milk, and wine scattered while circumambulating clockwise. This hierarchical layout from inner to outer, from above to below, is itself the spatial expression of the tantric worldview.

*Temporal arrangement*: food offering is defined as a practice "definitely to be performed" (定應行) — one who is able to offer food after each of the four sessions does so between the sessions; one who is not may do so after the final session. The special times are the fourteenth and eighth days of the waning fortnight and the tenth day of the waxing fortnight, though there is also the view that it should be performed daily. During the ritual proceedings, food must be offered every day.

*Ritual gradation*: there are three forms — elaborate, middling, and abbreviated. - Elaborate form: includes the complete sequence of invoking, making offerings to, and dismissing the directional guardians. - Middling form: does not cultivate the samaya being (三昧耶尊, samaya-sattva), only invoking the wisdom being (智尊, jñāna-sattva); the rest of the offerings are as before. - Abbreviated form: visualize the directional guardians as all taking the form of the deity (本尊, iṣṭa-devatā), each abiding according to what is fitting, and offer each the food it loves; there is no need to construct the triangular altar, cultivate the samaya being, or invoke the wisdom being.

*Vessels and offerings*: the vessels may be skull cups, plates, bronze plates, or earthenware bowls. The foods include flour, beans, meat, fish, porridge, cakes, wine, water, scallions, garlic, milk, and so forth — a fairly wide range; when these are not available, flour and water alone suffice.

*Food offering in the completion stage*: at the completion-stage phase (圓滿次第, niṣpanna-krama), food offering is drawn inward as "merely brief contemplation" — invoking the deities and Indra whose nature is wisdom and means (智慧方便, prajñā-upāya), and presenting food whose nature is wisdom. This is the uniquely tantric path of "drawing inward from external ritual to inner contemplation."

The classical entry also mentions one detail: after the food offering is completed, one must wash the hands and feet and rinse the mouth. The 《密宗道次第廣論》 holds that this washing is "generally removing impurity" (總除不淨) and is "not specifically for removing the defilement of having spoken with ghosts." This annotation in itself shows that in the commentators' understanding, food offering is a ritual act of purity and reverence, not the eerie "trafficking with ghosts" of folk imagination.

Walking It Through in Daily Life

Food offering is a very specific practice within tantric ritual, and most contemporary Buddhist practitioners do not directly participate in a full maṇḍala construction and food offering. But its inner logic — "before significant action, first acknowledge multiple existences, pay respect to them, and take responsibility for the shared space" — can be walked through step by step in concrete contemporary scenarios.

Scenario one: the "notification" before moving or renovating

When contemporary people move into a new apartment or begin a renovation, they often consider only the property management, the neighbors, and the construction crew. But in the tantric logic of food offering, before the maṇḍala is constructed one "first offers food to the earth-lords and the local devas, nāgas, yakṣas, and rākṣasas, and three times requests the use of the land" — this is an acknowledgment: I am about to use this place, and this place is not "ownerless" or "mine alone." Mapped to the contemporary: proactively notifying the neighbors before renovation, coordinating with the property management, consulting feng shui (even if only symbolically confirming the orientation), doing a thorough cleaning and a simple "settling-in" ritual before moving in — all these actions conceal the same logic: you are not the master of a vacuum; you are entering a space that has a history and has others in it.

Scenario two: the "stakeholder analysis" before launching a project

The recipients of tantric food offering have clear classifications — devas, nāgas, directional guardians, earth deities — which closely resembles the "stakeholder analysis" of modern project management. A company launching a new project needs to identify all affected parties: shareholders, employees, customers, regulators, communities, the environment… The tantra pushes this mode of thinking into the non-human realm. Mapped to the contemporary: before you do something important, have you thought — which people, which systems, which "invisible factors" (public opinion, luck, bodily state, industry cycles) are affected by this? The wisdom of food offering does not lie in believing that nāgas really exist, but in training you "to look around before you act."

Scenario three: daily offering vs. concentrated ritual

The classical entry says food offering is "definitely to be performed" — one who can offer after each of the four sessions does so; one who cannot does so after the final session. This means food offering has both a daily and a ceremonial dimension. Mapped to the contemporary: some things must be done every day (daily meditation, daily review, one kind word to one's family each day), while some things need to be done intensively at specific times (annual summary, birthday commemorations, a solemn conversation for relationship repair). The dual track of food offering — "daily offering" and "special-day offering" — is precisely the tantric design for embedding practice into everyday life.

Scenario four: the drawing inward from "material" to "mind"

The most subtle point of the tantra is this: in the completion stage, food offering is "merely brief contemplation" — no longer requiring real food and earthen mounds, but invoking the deities in the mental continuum and presenting food whose nature is wisdom. This is a path from external ritual to inner contemplation. Mapped to the contemporary: a businessperson who habitually hosts clients in restaurants may eventually come to realize that "the best hospitality is not spectacle but sincere attention"; a person who habitually gives gifts may eventually come to realize that "the most precious gift is time and listening." The final drawing inward of food offering in the tantra points precisely to this maturity of "form withdraws, substance takes the stage."

The places most easily mis-mapped:

1. Equating food offering with the "flaming-mouth ritual" (放焰口) or "feeding hungry ghosts." The flaming-mouth ritual (焰口, yànkǒu; feeding pretas, preta-dāna, or 放焰口) is a separate ritual system whose recipients are mainly beings in the hungry-ghost realm, with the purpose of delivering them and relieving their hunger and suffering; food offering (施食), by contrast, is a component of the maṇḍala ritual whose recipients are mainly the devas, directional guardians, nāgas, and so forth, with the purpose of pacifying obstacles and accomplishing siddhi (悉地, siddhi, "accomplishment"). The two differ in origin, function, and ritual structure. Confusing them is the most common folk misreading.

2. Understanding the "recipients" of food offering as "poor beings who need to be fed." In the tantric worldview, the directional guardians, Indra, and so forth are not "hungry weaklings"; they are powerful presences that guard their respective directions. Offering food to them is closer to "diplomatic reciprocity" — acknowledging each other's existence and duties — than to one-way charity.

3. Narrowing food offering to "a superstitious act within religious ritual." The tantric commentators explain food offering as "the method of pacifying obstacles and accomplishing siddhi" (止息障礙與成辦悉地之法), and incorporate it into a systematic sequence of practice — from the external ritual of the generation stage (生起次第, utpatti-krama) to the mental drawing inward of the completion stage. This is a coherent contemplative technology, not an isolated mysterious activity.

Why Contemporary People Need It

Contemporary people often feel that "tantric ritual is too far from me," but several principles contained in the concept of food offering have genuine reference value for contemporary life.

First, acknowledging "invisible factors." Contemporary culture highly prizes what is visible, quantifiable, and controllable — KPIs, algorithms, data. But anyone who has run a project knows that luck, timing, team state, and uncontrollable external shocks — these "invisible factors" — often determine success or failure. The wisdom of food offering is not to make you believe that nāgas really live underground, but to have you reserve a space in your mind that acknowledges the existence of what lies beyond your control. Chilean neuroscientists have studied the relationship between the "openness" personality trait and life satisfaction and found that people who remain open rather than anxious toward the "unknown" have higher psychological resilience (the explanatory power of such studies is limited, and both sample and cultural background need to be considered, but as a point of comparison it shows that "acknowledging the unknown" has psychological value in itself).

Second, ritual as the "vehicle of structure." Food offering has fixed times (after each of the four daily sessions, on special days), fixed spaces (inside and outside the maṇḍala, the ten directions and fifteen stations), fixed offerings (flour, water, milk, etc.), and fixed ritual forms (elaborate, middling, abbreviated). This structure may look like red tape, but its significance for the practitioner is this: it makes the abstract "mind of reverence" and "mind of purity" concrete as executable steps. Why do contemporary people need a "sense of ritual"? Psychological research on ritual (note: the definition of "ritual" in this research field is not exactly equivalent to Buddhist ritual) has found that fixed rituals help provide psychological anchors in uncertain environments, enhance the sense of meaning, and strengthen group belonging. Food offering is a highly structured ritual — its value is not only "religious" but also "structurally establishing a relationship with a broader existence."

Third, the path of drawing inward from external offering to inner contemplation. Food offering is drawn inward in the completion stage as "merely brief contemplation" — this is itself a complete contemplative curve: from reliance on external matter (food, vessels, earthen mounds) → reliance on visualization (invoking the wisdom being) → finally completing everything in the mind. After material abundance, contemporary people often face the problem of "inner emptiness" — external stimulation can no longer satisfy deeper needs. The tantric path of food offering runs in exactly the opposite direction: it first gives you many "forms," then has you gradually put the forms down and return inward. For those contemporary people who "have obtained much at the worldly level yet feel unsatisfied," this is a possible point of reference.

Fourth, the risk management of "asking the way before breaking ground." Before constructing the maṇḍala, one first offers food to the earth-lords and three times requests the use of the land — the core of this act is: before making a major change, first confirm whether the environment is accommodating, whether the stakeholders consent, and whether potential conflicts have been detected. If contemporary people, before starting a business, changing jobs, emigrating, or making a major investment, could also conduct a "food-offering-style" survey — asking themselves: have I acknowledged all those affected? Am I prepared to bear the disturbance this change will bring? — then this wisdom of "offer first, act second" is effective across eras.

Common Misreadings and Clarifications

Misreading one: food offering = feeding hungry ghosts / the flaming-mouth ritual

This is the most common confusion. Food offering (施食, āhāra-dāna) is a component of the tantric maṇḍala ritual, with its recipients mainly the devas, directional guardians, nāgas, and so forth; the flaming-mouth ritual (焰口, yànkǒu; feeding pretas, preta-dāna, or 放焰口) is a separate, independent food-offering ritual whose recipients are mainly beings in the hungry-ghost realm, with the purpose of relieving their hunger and suffering and delivering them. The two differ in origin (different scriptural sources), structure (maṇḍala ritual vs. yoga-flaming-mouth ritual), function (accomplishing siddhi vs. delivering hungry ghosts), and recipients (deities and dharma protectors vs. hungry ghosts). In short: the flaming-mouth ritual is "compassionate relief"; food offering is "sustenance within the ritual."

Misreading two: food offering is a "superstitious act toward ghosts"

The classical entry itself clarifies this misreading. The 《密宗道次第廣論》 holds that washing the hands and feet and rinsing the mouth after food offering is "generally removing impurity" and is "not specifically for removing the defilement of having spoken with ghosts." The tantric commentators explain food offering as "the method of pacifying obstacles and accomplishing siddhi" — it serves the practitioner's own accomplishment (悉地, siddhi), not "appeasing ghosts and spirits." Understanding it as "superstition" or "driving off evil" is a simplification of the tantric cultivation system.

Misreading three: food offering equals giving food to the saṅgha

Giving to the saṅgha (布施, dāna) is a practice common to all of Buddhism, but in the tantric concept of food offering, the recipients are not primarily the saṅgha but rather "the devas, directional guardians, earth deities, nāgas, and so forth in the maṇḍala ritual." These are two different categories of action: one is giving for merit directed at a human monastic community; the other is structural sustenance within tantric ritual.

Misreading four: food offering must use real food and real earthen mounds

The classical entry explicitly says: "When not fully available, flour and water alone suffice." (不具足时,仅用面与水亦可。) Moreover, food offering has three forms — elaborate, middling, and abbreviated — and the abbreviated form "visualizes the directional guardians as all taking the form of the deity, each abiding according to what is fitting, offering each the food it loves; there is no need to construct the triangular altar, cultivate the samaya being, or invoke the wisdom being." At the completion stage, it is "merely brief contemplation" — even the visualization is simplified. This shows that the tantra itself has an elasticity from "elaborate" to "simple," from "external" to "internal"; there is no absolutism of "without the full ritual, it does not count as food offering."

Misreading five: food offering is unique to Tibetan Buddhism

The classical entry is based on the Tibetan treatise 《密宗道次第廣論》, but this does not mean that food offering exists only in the Tibetan system. The tantric tradition spans geography and sects, and food offering as a component of the maṇḍala ritual has analogous structures in Chinese esoteric Buddhism, Japanese Shingon, and other systems (with possible differences in specific formulations and recipients). Labeling it "Tibetan-only" would obscure its commonality across the broader tantric tradition.

Misreading six: the offerings in food offering (scallions, garlic, wine, meat) are "pungent and fleshy," hence impure

This is a seemingly contradictory issue that in fact has a complete explanation within the tantric context: the logic of tantric offerings is not distinguished by "vegetarian vs. non-vegetarian" but by "what the deity loves" and "the corresponding deity's vow." The abbreviated form says "visualize the directional guardians as all taking the form of the deity… offering each the food it loves" — the choice of offerings is governed by the deity's vow and disposition, not by the criterion of "vegetarian or non-vegetarian." This logic may feel jarring to those unfamiliar with the tantric worldview, but it is internally coherent within the tantra.


Finally, it is worth pointing out: the description of food offering in the 《密宗道次第廣論》 is extremely concrete — from the request for the land before constructing the maṇḍala, the preparatory acts before the color distribution, the directional food offerings outside, the milk offering to the nāgas, to the daily offerings and special-day offerings, the three ritual forms (elaborate, middling, abbreviated), and the mental drawing inward of the completion stage — it is a contemplative technology with a complete structure, not a concept that can be glossed over with a single word such as "offering" or "giving." When contemporary people encounter this concept, what is most worth taking away is perhaps not any specific ritual action but the curve behind it: from external, tangible, spatiotemporally structured ritual, gradually drawn inward to internal, simplified, mental offering. This path — from "doing much" to "doing little" to "not needing to do, yet abiding" — is itself a complete map of practice.

Canonical EntryAI-generated

定义与核心要义

施食(āhāra-dāna),藏传论典《密宗道次第广论》以「施食」「供食」「供施食」「外施诸食」等语表述之,指于密续曼陀罗仪轨中向诸尊、护法及世间有情奉施饮食的修法。其所施对象不限于僧众,而以密续仪轨中的诸天、护方神、地祇、龙等为主。

主要阐述

一、建坛前的施食与乞地

建坛前须先取得地主听许。《密宗道次第广论》载:上午先行施食,于所观地作曼陀罗供养,并向当地天、龙、药叉、罗刹等奉施供食,三度乞请其让地;其后又供养地神,请其允许作坛。《鬘论》虽未明言向地神乞地,但本论依「先请给地」解作请给绘坛之地,并指出《四百五十论》等亦说应行施食。

二、分彩前的施食

分彩仪轨中,《鬘论》及其随行者皆说此处施食,难胜月则说分彩前应着红衣施食,故判定施食是分彩以前的预备行,而非分彩本身。

三、外施诸食

《密宗道次第广论》称「外施诸食」,说于室外依施食法向东方等方位,供施自所依信诸天、帝释等。受食者与处所,各家所说不同(详见下节)。

四、空间布置

施食的空间布置具体而严密:曼陀罗室外十方安置十大明王与护方神,于土堆前施食;另设十五土堆或小坛,向八方十五护方神施食;更外层设八土台、牛粪涂坛或瓦器,盛牛乳等布施诸龙,并右旋散施食物及酥油、蜂蜜、净水、牛乳、酒。仪事期间须日日供食;施食完毕后洗手足、漱口等,本论认为此洗净是总除不净,并非专为去除与鬼交谈之秽。

五、日常修法与时间

施食被说为止息障碍与成办悉地之法,初后尤为重要,故「定应行」。能于四座后皆施食者,即在四座之间行之;不能者,可于末座后施。其殊胜时为下半月十四日、八日及上半月初十日,此外亦有日日施食之说。

六、仪轨与供物

施食仪轨分广、中、略三种;盛器可用颅器、盘、铜盘或瓦杯盘。食物可用面、豆、肉、鱼、粥、饼、酒、水、葱、蒜、牛乳等,不具足时,仅用面与水亦可。

广法具请召、供养与送返护方神等次第;中法不修三昧耶尊,只请智尊,其余供养如前;略法则观护方神皆成本尊形状,各随所宜安住,施以各自所爱食物,毋须作三角坛、修三昧耶尊或召智尊。圆满次第中,仅略作思惟,即请智慧方便为体性的本尊与帝释等,供献智慧为体性的食物;供养或献食后,可诵普贤愿文等,亦有论师主张座后诵百字咒。

不同部类与译本的表述差异

本条目仅依《密宗道次第广论》一论,故此处呈现的是该论所引不同论师之间的表述差异:

受食者与施食处所之异说: - 《鬘论》一系:世间与出世间诸天皆在室外受食,护方神位于诸天曼陀罗的方隅。 - 萨惹哈、然灯贤等:仅说在外施食于护刹及护方神。 - 毘布底:自供食后,再令他人在外施方神食。 - 藏地诸师:先在室内供曼陀罗诸天及护法神等,后至室外施世间神食。

乞地施食之异说:《鬘论》未明言向地神乞地,《密宗道次第广论》依「先请给地」解作请给绘坛之地,并引《四百五十论》等亦说应行施食。

分彩前后之异说:《鬘论》及其随行者皆说此处施食,难胜月则说分彩前应着红衣施食。

施食时间之异说:殊胜时为下半月十四日、八日及上半月初十日,此外亦有日日施食之说。

座后修法之异说:供养或献食后可诵普贤愿文等,亦有论师主张座后诵百字咒。

术语异称:同论中施食一名即有多种表述——「施食」「供食」「供施食」「外施诸食」。

与相关概念的关系

- 曼陀罗供养:施食为曼陀罗仪轨的一部分,先于曼陀罗内作供养,后于室外施食,二者构成完整的奉施体系。 - 分彩:施食被判定为分彩以前的预备行,而非分彩本身。 - 三昧耶尊与智尊:广法修三昧耶尊并召请智尊;中法不修三昧耶尊,只请智尊;略法毋须作三角坛、修三昧耶尊或召智尊。 - 护方神:施食的主要对象之一,位于曼陀罗室外十方及八方十五处。 - 护法神与世间神:藏地诸师主张先在室内供曼陀罗诸天及护法神等,后至室外施世间神食,二者层次有别。

代表性原文引用

1. 「上午先行施食,在所观地作曼陀罗供养,并向当地天、龙、药叉、罗刹等奉施供食,三度乞请其让地;其后又供养地神,请其允许作坛。」

2. 「《鬘论》虽未明言向地神乞地,但本论依『先请给地』解作请给绘坛之地,并指出《四百五十论》等亦说应行施食。」

3. 「《鬘论》及其随行者皆说此处施食,难胜月则说分彩前应着红衣施食,故判定它是分彩以前的预备行,而非分彩本身。」

4. 「《鬘论》一系主张世间与出世间诸天皆在室外受食,护方神位于诸天曼陀罗的方隅;萨惹哈、然灯贤等仅说在外施食于护刹及护方神;毘布底说自供食后,再令他人在外施方神食;藏地诸师则先在室内供曼陀罗诸天及护法神等,后至室外施世间神食。」

5. 「曼陀罗室外十方安置十大明王与护方神,于土堆前施食;另设十五土堆或小坛,向八方十五护方神施食;更外层设八土台、牛粪涂坛或瓦器,盛牛乳等布施诸龙,并右旋散施食物及酥油、蜂蜜、净水、牛乳、酒。」

6. 「施食被说为止息障碍与成办悉地之法,初后尤为重要,故『定应行』。能于四座后皆施食者,即在四座之间行之;不能者,可于末座后施。其殊胜时为下半月十四日、八日及上半月初十日,此外亦有日日施食之说。」

7. 「施食仪轨分广、中、略三种;盛器可用颅器、盘、铜盘或瓦杯盘。食物可用面、豆、肉、鱼、粥、饼、酒、水、葱、蒜、牛乳等,不具足时,仅用面与水亦可。」

8. 「广法具请召、供养与送返护方神等次第;中法不修三昧耶尊,只请智尊,其余供养如前;略法则观护方神皆成本尊形状,各随所宜安住,施以各自所爱食物,毋须作三角坛、修三昧耶尊或召智尊。」

9. 「圆满次第中,仅略作思惟,即请智慧方便为体性的本尊与帝释等,供献智慧为体性的食物。」

By SutraAI-generated

密宗道次第廣論B0068 · 藏傳論典部

《密宗道次第廣論》以「施食」「供食」「供施食」「外施諸食」等語表述向諸尊、護法及世間有情奉施飲食;其所涉對象不限於僧眾,而以密續曼陀羅儀軌中的諸天、護方神、地祇、龍等為主。建壇前先須取得地主聽許:上午先行施食,在所觀地作曼陀羅供養,並向當地天、龍、藥叉、羅剎等奉施供食,三度乞請其讓地;其後又供養地神,請其允許作壇。《鬘論》雖未明言向地神乞地,但本論依「先請給地」解作請給繪壇之地,並指出《四百五十論》等亦說應行施食。 分彩儀軌中,本論記載《鬘論》及其隨行者皆說此處施食,難勝月則說分彩前應著紅衣施食,故判定它是分彩以前的預備行,而非分彩本身。 就外施而言,本論稱「外施諸食」,說於室外依施食法向東方等方位,供施自所依信諸天、帝釋等。不同論師所說的受食者與處所有別:《鬘論》一系主張世間與出世間諸天皆在室外受食,護方神位於諸天曼陀羅的方隅;薩惹哈、然燈賢等僅說在外施食於護剎及護方神;毘布底說自供食後,再令他人在外施方神食;藏地諸師則先在室內供曼陀羅諸天及護法神等,後至室外施世間神食。 施食的空間布置亦甚具體:曼陀羅室外十方安置十大明王與護方神,於土堆前施食;另設十五土堆或小壇,向八方十五護方神施食;更外層設八土臺、牛糞塗壇或瓦器,盛牛乳等布施諸龍,並右旋散施食物及酥油、蜂蜜、淨水、牛乳、酒。儀事期間須日日供食;施食完畢後洗手足、漱口等,本文認為此洗淨是總除不淨,並非專為去除與鬼交談之穢。 在日常修法中,施食被說為止息障礙與成辦悉地之法,初後尤為重要,故「定應行」。能於四座後皆施食者,即在四座之間行之;不能者,可於末座後施。其殊勝時為下半月十四日、八日及上半月初十日,此外亦有日日施食之說。施食儀軌分廣、中、略三種;盛器可用顱器、盤、銅盤或瓦盃盤。食物可用麪、豆、肉、魚、粥、餅、酒、水、蔥、蒜、牛乳等,不具足時,僅用麪與水亦可。 廣法具請召、供養與送返護方神等次第;中法不修三昧耶尊,只請智尊,其餘供養如前;略法則觀護方神皆成本尊形狀,各隨所宜安住,施以各自所愛食物,毋須作三角壇、修三昧耶尊或召智尊。圓滿次第中,僅略作思惟,即請智慧方便為體性的本尊與帝釋等,供獻智慧為體性的食物;供養或獻食後,可誦普賢願文等,亦有論師主張座後誦百字咒。

Related